What Are Implicit Associations?

Podcast

40 years ago, researchers found that patients with amnesia could form new memories… implicitly. This sparked an ongoing revolution in research on the hidden mind.

Transcript

MAHZARIN BANAJI: I can think of a very young assistant professor sitting down and thinking “what do I want to call this thing? What name should I give it?” And I remember writing to a colleague of mine at 2 o’clock in the morning and saying “I’m thinking of calling this implicit attitudes” and he wrote back: “Use the term, it has an auspicious ring to it” And I did. We published a paper (Tony Greenwald and I) in which we first used the term “implicit bias.”

NARRATOR: You’re listening to Professor Mahzarin Banaji at a talk about implicit bias. She and fellow psychologist Tony Greenwald named it in the early 90s, but to really understand the idea behind it, we have to go back almost 100 years… and talk about memory. 

Around the turn of the 20th century, a man named Édouard Claparède published a strange report: he wrote about hiding a needle between his fingers and pricking the woman he shook hands with. The next day, when he tried to shake her hand again, she refused. 

Now, her reaction probably makes perfect sense to you—this man sounds deranged!—but Claparède was a neurologist, and the woman (his patient) had a type of amnesia that kept her from forming new memories. She couldn’t tell you who Claparède was, or even what had happened the day before. But there was some hidden part of her mind that remembered what he’d done. That memory wasn’t consciously available, but it was still there, and it was influencing her decisions. In this case: whether or not to trust the man in front of her.

By the 1980s, the data was undeniable.

MAHZARIN BANAJI: People who were amnesiac patients – people who had lost the power to remember things like “what did you eat for breakfast” – even though they had no conscious memory, they did seem to have some lingering sense of what had happened. So something got saved in memory, and they had no clue. That form of memory was called “implicit memory.”

NARRATOR: And as strange as it may sound, we all have them, whether we have amnesia or not. Every time we do something routine like tie our shoes or walk home, every time we do something silly like try to use the car key to unlock the house, we’re relying on implicit memory – it lets us go on autopilot. Now, in the same way that we learn these routines, we learn other associations too: 

MAHZARIN BANAJI: Mother and father; bread and butter; salt and pepper; day and night… Sometimes they’re opposites, sometimes they’re just related, but the reason they come so naturally to us is because the two have co-occurred over and over again in our experience. 

NARRATOR: These are implicit associations: connections that we’ve made and learned over the course of our lives without even trying.  We carry millions of these around in our heads: some good, some bad, some benign; they’re simply the thumbprint that culture and experience have left on our brains. 

It feels weird to think about these connections floating around your mind without your knowledge (at least, it does to me) – especially because they might have nothing to do with what we actually believe. Associating “Men” and “career”; “woman” and “home”. “White” with “Good”; “Black” with “Bad”. 

We like to think we know our minds. But the data tells that we don’t. Not completely. So what associations have we picked up throughout life, and how might they be biasing us without our knowledge?

These questions left scientists with a tantalizing challenge: was there a way to pull this hidden information out – to actually measure our implicit attitudes?

Spoiler: the answer is yes. And later in this set, we’ll talk about the Implicit Association Test.

Expand

Transcript

MAHZARIN BANAJI: I can think of a very young assistant professor sitting down and thinking “what do I want to call this thing? What name should I give it?” And I remember writing to a colleague of mine at 2 o’clock in the morning and saying “I’m thinking of calling this implicit attitudes” and he wrote back: “Use the term, it has an auspicious ring to it” And I did. We published a paper (Tony Greenwald and I) in which we first used the term “implicit bias.”

NARRATOR: You’re listening to Professor Mahzarin Banaji at a talk about implicit bias. She and fellow psychologist Tony Greenwald named it in the early 90s, but to really understand the idea behind it, we have to go back almost 100 years… and talk about memory. 

Around the turn of the 20th century, a man named Édouard Claparède published a strange report: he wrote about hiding a needle between his fingers and pricking the woman he shook hands with. The next day, when he tried to shake her hand again, she refused. 

Now, her reaction probably makes perfect sense to you—this man sounds deranged!—but Claparède was a neurologist, and the woman (his patient) had a type of amnesia that kept her from forming new memories. She couldn’t tell you who Claparède was, or even what had happened the day before. But there was some hidden part of her mind that remembered what he’d done. That memory wasn’t consciously available, but it was still there, and it was influencing her decisions. In this case: whether or not to trust the man in front of her.

By the 1980s, the data was undeniable.

MAHZARIN BANAJI: People who were amnesiac patients – people who had lost the power to remember things like “what did you eat for breakfast” – even though they had no conscious memory, they did seem to have some lingering sense of what had happened. So something got saved in memory, and they had no clue. That form of memory was called “implicit memory.”

NARRATOR: And as strange as it may sound, we all have them, whether we have amnesia or not. Every time we do something routine like tie our shoes or walk home, every time we do something silly like try to use the car key to unlock the house, we’re relying on implicit memory – it lets us go on autopilot. Now, in the same way that we learn these routines, we learn other associations too: 

MAHZARIN BANAJI: Mother and father; bread and butter; salt and pepper; day and night… Sometimes they’re opposites, sometimes they’re just related, but the reason they come so naturally to us is because the two have co-occurred over and over again in our experience. 

NARRATOR: These are implicit associations: connections that we’ve made and learned over the course of our lives without even trying.  We carry millions of these around in our heads: some good, some bad, some benign; they’re simply the thumbprint that culture and experience have left on our brains. 

It feels weird to think about these connections floating around your mind without your knowledge (at least, it does to me) – especially because they might have nothing to do with what we actually believe. Associating “Men” and “career”; “woman” and “home”. “White” with “Good”; “Black” with “Bad”. 

We like to think we know our minds. But the data tells that we don’t. Not completely. So what associations have we picked up throughout life, and how might they be biasing us without our knowledge?

These questions left scientists with a tantalizing challenge: was there a way to pull this hidden information out – to actually measure our implicit attitudes?

Spoiler: the answer is yes. And later in this set, we’ll talk about the Implicit Association Test.

Expand

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Links

“[W]here did this idea of implicit bias come from? How can we measure biases that people don’t know they have, or at least are unwilling to endorse openly?” Hear the conversation between psychologists Andy Lutrell and Mahzarin Banaji at Opinion Science.

“Is there a part of ourselves that we don’t acknowledge, that we don’t even have access to and that might make us ashamed if we encounter it?” NPR’s Invisibilia discusses the implicit revolution further in their episode “The Culture Inside”.

References

Claparède, E. (1951). Recognition and “me-ness” In D. Rapaport, Organization and pathology of thought: Selected sources (pp. 58-75). (Original French publication 1911).

Fowler, R.A., Sabur, N., Li, P., Juurlink, D. N, Pino, R., …, & Martin, C. M. (2007). Sex- and age-based differences in the delivery and outcomes of critical care. CMAJ, 177(12), 1513-1519.

Goyal, M. K., Kuppermann, N., & Cleary, S. D. (2015). Racial disparities in pain management of children with appendicitis in emergency departments. JAMA Pediatrics, 169(11), 996-1002.

Graf, P. Squire, L. R., & Mandler, G. (1984). The information that amnesic patients do not forget. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 10(1), 164-178.

Higgins, E. T., Rholes, W. S., & Jones, C. R. (1977). Category accessibility and impression formation. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 13, 141-154.

Jacoby, L. L., Kelley, C., Brown, J., & Jasechko, J. (1989). Becoming famous overnight: Limits on the ability to avoid unconscious influences of the past. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56(3), 326-338.

Credits

The Implicit Revolution Part 1 was created and developed by Mahzarin Banaji and Olivia Kang with funding from PwC and Harvard University.

Narration by Olivia Kang, featuring Professor Mahzarin Banaji (Harvard University)

Sound Editing & Mixing by Evan Younger

Music by Miracles of Modern Science

Artwork by Olivia Kang